“Charles Tegart and the Arab Revolt in Palestine”
Richard
Cahill, Director of International Education and Associate Professor of History,
Berea College
Berea College
The British Mandate government was keen on
promulgating laws and, in the years of the
Mandate, created as many pages of legislations as did the Parliament in London. In the
early 1920s (following the Nabi Musa riots), a Collective Responsibility Ordinance was
issued, and then quickly expanded and modified into the Collective Punishment
Ordinance (1925), which remained in force through the rest of the Mandate Period,
although amended several times. While this ordinance was allegedly meant to curb
communal feuds in which one village would destroy trees or crops of another village, it
was employed in the 1930s to punish villages that the British suspected of harboring Arab
rebels.
Mandate, created as many pages of legislations as did the Parliament in London. In the
early 1920s (following the Nabi Musa riots), a Collective Responsibility Ordinance was
issued, and then quickly expanded and modified into the Collective Punishment
Ordinance (1925), which remained in force through the rest of the Mandate Period,
although amended several times. While this ordinance was allegedly meant to curb
communal feuds in which one village would destroy trees or crops of another village, it
was employed in the 1930s to punish villages that the British suspected of harboring Arab
rebels.
In the wake of the Western Wall Riots of
1929 and subsequent disturbances, the British Mandate government had proclaimed the
Palestine Defence Orders in Council in 1931, and continued to expand it
through amendment after amendment. In the early 1930s,
collective punishment was used against Arab villages and clans, suspected by the British of carrying out attacks on government infrastructure or personnel, such as roads,
railroads, police posts, telegraph lines, the oil pipe-line, police or military patrols, and British civil servants. Collective punishments were also used against Arab villages or clans suspected of attacking Jews or Jewish settlements.
collective punishment was used against Arab villages and clans, suspected by the British of carrying out attacks on government infrastructure or personnel, such as roads,
railroads, police posts, telegraph lines, the oil pipe-line, police or military patrols, and British civil servants. Collective punishments were also used against Arab villages or clans suspected of attacking Jews or Jewish settlements.
In one case, the British thrashed
approximately 30 homes in a village, demolishing two of
them, only to find out later that the alleged culprit of the crime was from a different
village. By the mid-1930s, Palestinian Arabs’ frustration with the British Government’s
policies and practices in Palestine, in particular its commitment to the Zionist movement,
reached a boiling point. A general strike was followed by a rebellion, one of the longest
and most widespread anti-colonial movements in the world to date. The British struggled
to stamp out the “Great Arab Revolt” using a variety of methods, but seemed unprepared
and unorganized in their responses. After the District Commissioner for the Galilee,
Lewis Andrews, and his escort were gunned down in broad daylight in Nazareth in
September 1937, the British Colonial Office dispatched one of its top imperial “anti-
terrorism” experts, Sir Charles Tegart, to make recommendations on how to restore order
and put down the revolt.
them, only to find out later that the alleged culprit of the crime was from a different
village. By the mid-1930s, Palestinian Arabs’ frustration with the British Government’s
policies and practices in Palestine, in particular its commitment to the Zionist movement,
reached a boiling point. A general strike was followed by a rebellion, one of the longest
and most widespread anti-colonial movements in the world to date. The British struggled
to stamp out the “Great Arab Revolt” using a variety of methods, but seemed unprepared
and unorganized in their responses. After the District Commissioner for the Galilee,
Lewis Andrews, and his escort were gunned down in broad daylight in Nazareth in
September 1937, the British Colonial Office dispatched one of its top imperial “anti-
terrorism” experts, Sir Charles Tegart, to make recommendations on how to restore order
and put down the revolt.
Charles Tegart joined the Colonial Police in
India at the turn of the century, and rose
through the ranks to become the Inspector General of the Calcutta Police, a force of
approximately 2500 men. His tenure in Calcutta coincided with anti-British riots and
violence, yet he managed to decrease crime in the city and fight, with measured success,
against the “revolutionaries” who employed “terrorism” as a means to cast off the yoke of
British rule.
through the ranks to become the Inspector General of the Calcutta Police, a force of
approximately 2500 men. His tenure in Calcutta coincided with anti-British riots and
violence, yet he managed to decrease crime in the city and fight, with measured success,
against the “revolutionaries” who employed “terrorism” as a means to cast off the yoke of
British rule.
Tegart was a hard-working pragmatist. Upon arrival in Palestine, he toured the
country,
and reviewed and evaluated every aspect of the Palestine Police. Within two months, he sent his recommendations to the Colonial Office in London. Most of his
recommendations were accepted and implemented, including the establishment of a
northern border fence and a series of massively fortified police stations throughout the
country. While I have written about Tegart and his reforms more exhaustively elsewhere, here I focus on Tegart’s understanding of collective punishments, particularly home
demolitions and control of the villages.
and reviewed and evaluated every aspect of the Palestine Police. Within two months, he sent his recommendations to the Colonial Office in London. Most of his
recommendations were accepted and implemented, including the establishment of a
northern border fence and a series of massively fortified police stations throughout the
country. While I have written about Tegart and his reforms more exhaustively elsewhere, here I focus on Tegart’s understanding of collective punishments, particularly home
demolitions and control of the villages.
The legal framework in Palestine was
complex. The Mandate For Palestine
expressly
instructed Britain to establish a “judicial
system … in Palestine…[to] assure ….. natives,
a complete guarantee of their rights” (Article 9). Additionally, after WWI, the Report of
the Commission on Responsibility expressly defined “collective penalties” as a war crime.
However, as mentioned above, the British Mandate government churned out new laws
and ordinances to help it justify its actions. It issued two revisions of Palestine Defence
Ordinances- one (entitled Emergency Regulations) in 1936 and another (entitled Defence
(Amendment) Regulations) in 1937. In these legal documents we see the growing sense
of desperation on behalf of the British, who seem more and more willing to encroach on
the inhabitants’ civil, political and human rights in an effort to regain control, amending
the 1936 document 17 times by November 1937. These Ordinances clearly spell out the
right for a District Commissioner to demolish houses or buildings, if he is “satisfied” (no
trial required) that the owner or someone associated with the house or building was guilty
of a violation. By the time of Tegart’s arrival in Palestine, home demolitions were not
uncommon and it was clear that the rebels could melt into the villages to avoid the
British.
a complete guarantee of their rights” (Article 9). Additionally, after WWI, the Report of
the Commission on Responsibility expressly defined “collective penalties” as a war crime.
However, as mentioned above, the British Mandate government churned out new laws
and ordinances to help it justify its actions. It issued two revisions of Palestine Defence
Ordinances- one (entitled Emergency Regulations) in 1936 and another (entitled Defence
(Amendment) Regulations) in 1937. In these legal documents we see the growing sense
of desperation on behalf of the British, who seem more and more willing to encroach on
the inhabitants’ civil, political and human rights in an effort to regain control, amending
the 1936 document 17 times by November 1937. These Ordinances clearly spell out the
right for a District Commissioner to demolish houses or buildings, if he is “satisfied” (no
trial required) that the owner or someone associated with the house or building was guilty
of a violation. By the time of Tegart’s arrival in Palestine, home demolitions were not
uncommon and it was clear that the rebels could melt into the villages to avoid the
British.
A careful reading of Tegart’s recommendation
to the Colonial Office, reveals that Tegart
held some sympathy for the villagers of Palestine, who he could see were stuck between a
rock and hard place. If rebel forces called upon a villager for food, money or shelter, the
villager often had no other choice but to comply (since, Tegart reasoned, the rebels surely
demanded such things with a gun pointed toward the villager). After gathering
information and touring the country, Tegart felt confident that if the villagers felt (and
were) properly protected by the government, they would not offer the rebels shelter.
Therefore Tegart recommended that the British, as they regain control of the countryside,
form a list of “good villages” (those who follow the wishes of the British) and “bad
villages” (those that assist the rebels). As British control of the countryside increases,
“good villages” should be quickly and generously rewarded. These rewards should not
go to individuals, but rather to the collective (so as to not cause any one villager to stand
out, and become a target of the rebels). Tegart recalled that in the Punjab, rewarding
villages by relieving them of their tax duties worked extremely well. Not only did it
benefit the entire village, it also led surrounding villages to envy and follow suite.
held some sympathy for the villagers of Palestine, who he could see were stuck between a
rock and hard place. If rebel forces called upon a villager for food, money or shelter, the
villager often had no other choice but to comply (since, Tegart reasoned, the rebels surely
demanded such things with a gun pointed toward the villager). After gathering
information and touring the country, Tegart felt confident that if the villagers felt (and
were) properly protected by the government, they would not offer the rebels shelter.
Therefore Tegart recommended that the British, as they regain control of the countryside,
form a list of “good villages” (those who follow the wishes of the British) and “bad
villages” (those that assist the rebels). As British control of the countryside increases,
“good villages” should be quickly and generously rewarded. These rewards should not
go to individuals, but rather to the collective (so as to not cause any one villager to stand
out, and become a target of the rebels). Tegart recalled that in the Punjab, rewarding
villages by relieving them of their tax duties worked extremely well. Not only did it
benefit the entire village, it also led surrounding villages to envy and follow suite.
Tegart’s
attitude toward home demolitions was founded in his pragmatism. While he did not categorically reject the
practice on ethical or legal grounds, he held that rewarding “good villages” was far more effective in
turning the tide.
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